Nepal's Gen-Z Protest: A Symptom of Systemic Failure
- Rai Yukesh
- Sep 28
- 9 min read
-Yukesh Rai
The recent collapse of Prachanda's coalition government and the subsequent formation of a new partnership between K.P. Sharma Oli and the Nepali Congress underscore a persistent pattern of governmental instability. This constant political shifting forces a critical question: Is the current wave of youthful activism a direct reaction to this chronic instability or a deliberate movement to force systemic change?
Nepal's political landscape has been defined by chronic instability since the monarchy's end, a period marked by constant coalition reshuffling and leadership battles. This environment has deeply frustrated citizens and created a pervasive national uncertainty. It is against this backdrop that the Gen-Z protest emerged, sparking a fundamental debate: was this a spontaneous outburst of youth frustration, or a calculated move to disrupt a stagnant and unresponsive political system?
The Systemic Failure and Its Human Cost
A weak economy and high unemployment rate have systematised the migration of Nepal's youth, who are forced to seek opportunities abroad. Many work as labourers in countries like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, South Korea, and Malaysia, a situation that has allowed manpower agencies in Nepal to exploit them as mere resources. The monthly arrival of dead bodies at Tribhuvan International Airport is a tragedy that devastates families and society; from a wider political-economic perspective, it represents a catastrophic drain on the country, whose most vital resource is its young citizens.
Every bright student and talented Nepalese individual migrates to foreign countries like the USA, Australia, Japan, and the UK in search of opportunities. This exodus is driven by a domestic reality where educational and business institutions are filled with loyal party workers, reducing these institutions to tools for political parties. Consequently, many students seek higher education abroad, as the country’s universities have become venues for party-affiliated student organisations to gather and disrupt education, research, and development. This politicisation, or "party virus," has infected not only students but also educators, lawyers, government workers, and professionals from every field, weakening the country from within like a parasite.
The fault lies not only with individual politicians but with the system itself, where government workers exploit citizens both within the country and abroad. On social media platforms like Facebook and TikTok, many Nepalese workers abroad repeat complaints that their own ambassadors and consular generals are exploiting them.
The Political Structure of Exclusion
The underlying causes, correlations, and results of bad politics, governance, and a broken system have gravely devastated Nepal, making it one of the poorest countries. The system does not allow locals to run businesses smoothly, study in peace, or work in peace, which acts as a red flag for foreign investment, thereby causing investors to avoid Nepal.
The country’s politics has been highly dominated by a few caste and racial groups, despite Nepal being a multi-caste, multi-racial, multi-ethnic, and diverse country. This exclusion gave birth to political parties with an ideology centred on identity, where native groups are constantly in a political struggle with dominant parties led by particular races and castes. The unfair system and operation of government and society led to the rise of one prominent party, the Maoist Centre, which championed this political ideology and toppled the Monarchy. The mobilisation around identity and grievances gained momentum over time, and so-called Dalits (untouchables) and native groups comprising the Rai, Limbu, Tamang, Newar, Thakali, Sherpa, Madhesi, Tharu, and others joined the Maoist revolution across Nepal.
Despite the Maoist revolution, the end of the monarchy, and the constitutional adoption of secularism, multiculturalism, and equity, Nepal has not welcomed a Prime Minister or Home Minister—the top positions in the Nepalese political system—from diverse racial, ethnic, or caste groups. These seats have remained dominated by one particular racial group and, within that, a specific subset known as Chettri and Brahmin.
A Shared National Aspiration and New Political Models
Despite the complex causes and effects, from the point of national interest and nationalism, all Nepalese share similar dreams, goals, and aspirations: to see their country developed and to achieve the upliftment of all its people. Despite the high levels of partisan political manoeuvring (often compared to BODMAS in its complexity) in Nepalese society, a unifying sense of nationalism brings every Nepalese under one umbrella. No Nepalese wants a Nepal without its diverse races, ethnicities, or castes; all strive to live in harmony. Yet, underprivileged groups demand a fair share in the country’s politics, where they are not barred from assuming the office of Prime Minister or Home Minister due to their ethnicity, race, or caste group. This is the current Nepalese political mentality, discussed in every household, tea shop, cafe, and social gathering.
Simultaneously, popular independent figures like Harka Sampang, mayor of Dharan Sub-Metropolitan City; Balen Shah, mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City; and Gopi Hamal, mayor of Dhangadhi Sub-Metropolitan City, won local elections despite being independent candidates. Social media played a significant role in their rise, as more Nepalese are active on these platforms to connect with family, working or studying abroad. Social media platforms are being a platform to praise, encourage, and support these three mayors, while at the same time being condemned by a political party-affiliated person. As they did a lot of work in making the local government more transparent, efficient, people-oriented and development-oriented, which certainly gave hope to all Nepalese that the Right Person in the Right place can change the fate of the nation and the far dream of seeing Nepal as a developed country could be achieved without political parties who has widespread presence.
The Digital Public Square and the State's Response
Social media platforms have minimised physical distance through virtual presence. With the rise of foreign employment, a social media presence became a necessity for connecting with loved ones abroad. The internet is far more developed and accessible than health and educational services in Nepal. After COVID-19, educational apps built by Nepalese and educational videos on YouTube grew significantly when schools were forced online. Many Nepalese youths now operate online businesses and use social media to promote both their ventures and Nepali tourism. For Gen-Z, who often identify as "creators" and earn from platforms like YouTube and Facebook, the internet and social media platforms are crucial. Nepalese families are now more engaged online, solidifying the internet and social media as part of the national lifestyle.
When Nepalese youths started the “Nepo Baby” trend, spotlighting the gap between political elites and ordinary citizens, the coalition government responded with a controversial social media ban. By banning social media, the government aimed to stop the Nepo Baby trend and prevent the rise of independent candidates, whose popularity threatened the established parties, as their own social media pages were filled with public criticism.
Before the "Nepo Baby" trend, a separate trend emerged, labelling followers and supporters of political parties as “Jholey”—a term implying a person is a blind believer or lacks political awareness, often used in a derogatory or teasing manner, specifically targeting K.P. Sharma Oli and his party, the CPN-UML. In retaliation, the CPN-UML launched a campaign asking supporters to label themselves “Jholey” in both physical and virtual domains. Many leaders and followers changed their Facebook profiles to post “म झोले हुँ” (I am Jholey) to normalise the term and control the damage on social media. Conversely, the three independent mayors gained more public support, engagement, and popularity, which was deeply threatening to the established political parties.
The Catalyst: Ban, Protest, and State Violence
On September 4, 2025, the government announced a ban on 26 social media platforms—including Facebook, X, YouTube, LinkedIn, Reddit, Signal, and Snapchat—for failing to register under new rules from the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology. In response, unknown groups announced a “Gen-Z Protest” against the social media ban and, more prominently, against corruption.
The Communication Minister justified the ban by stating that foreign social media companies had ignored the government and the constitution, attempting to invoke nationalism. However, the public was aware of past scandals, such as the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), where politicians first decried it as being above the constitution, only to ratify it later. As most Nepalese still believe the MCC was against national interests, the government's nationalist rhetoric was not persuasive. The coalition government led by K.P. Sharma Oli, the security institutions, and even the protest organisers had no idea how many people would participate.
All organisers planned for a peaceful protest, as stated in interviews available on YouTube. On September 8, 2025, large groups of students in school uniforms, along with other youths and some from Gen Y (Millennials), protested the social media ban and corruption across Nepal, including in major cities like Kathmandu, Lalitpur, Bhaktapur, Dharan, Pokhara, Biratnagar, and Itahari. The protests were peaceful. It is important to note that not all participants were in school uniform, indicating the presence of other individuals. However, when police opened fire in Kathmandu and other cities, killing youths and students, the protests turned violent. By September 9, 2025, many more people joined, and the escalated protests successfully toppled the government.
According to an article by Gaurav Pokharel in The Kathmandu Post on September 26, 2025, a preliminary police report stated there were 13,283 instances of firing across the country, with a Home Ministry official noting the number could rise.
“…Internal police reports indicate that 2,642 rounds of live ammunition were fired over the two days. In addition, 1,884 rubber bullets, 2,377 instances of warning shots, and 6,279 tear gas shells were used. Most firing happened in the Kathmandu Valley, according to the preliminary details. In the valley alone, 1,329 live bullets, 1,420 rubber bullets, and 1,046 warning shots were recorded. Additionally, 3,096 tear gas shells were fired. In total, the Kathmandu Valley witnessed 6,891 instances of firing. After the Valley, the highest use of force was reported in Madhesh province, with 1,921 firings, followed by Koshi 1,568, Karnali 932, Sudurpaschim 763, Lumbini 619, Gandaki 306, and other districts of Bagmati province 181 firings”
- THE KATHMANDU POST.
The preliminary report highlights the excessive use of force and lethal arms against youths and students—the nation's future. This devastating action against its own citizens further agitated not only the protesters but the entire country, leaving everything in ruins and uncertainty.
The Aftermath: Retributive Violence
After the government was toppled, the homes, businesses, schools, and department stores of many prominent politicians were torched and looted. Anarchy ruled the streets. Political figures, officials, and officers were beaten by the public; some were dragged naked, some beaten to death, and some chased into rivers, as seen in videos circulating on social media. Unfortunately, Sher Bahadur Deuba, leader of the Nepali Congress, and his wife Arzu Rana Deuba, the then Foreign Minister, were severely beaten by agitated youths.
Massive Loot and Arson
Everything owned by, linked to, or connected with politicians and political parties was stolen, looted, and torched. Politicians' houses were burned across Nepal. A notable video circulating on social media showed Sher Bahadur Deuba’s residence, where an angry mob assaulted the Deuba couple, looted their home, and set it on fire. Footage later showed burned cash in both Nepalese rupees and U.S. dollars.
Bhatbhateni Superstore was looted and torched by mobs because its founder, Min Bahadur Gurung, was considered a CPN-UML supporter after he donated land and pledged to construct a building for the party, a move that had caused controversy which is likely to be the underlying reason why the angry mob looted and torched Bhatbhateni Superstore all over Nepal.
The Hilton Hotel was torched by a mob amid controversies linking it to Jayabir Deuba, son of Sher Bahadur Deuba and Arzu Rana Deuba. During this controversy, senior TV journalist Dilbhusan Pathak was arrested by the Cyber Bureau under the Electronics Transaction Act after discussing the matter on his show “Tough Talk,” accused of broadcasting “fabricated content.” The public likely saw the government's actions as suppressing media freedom to protect key figures, which may have motivated the attack.
Ullens School was also surrounded by controversy, as Arzu Rana Deuba served as the Honorary Chairperson of its School Management Committee. The mob likely perceived the school as belonging to her, which may explain its looting and destruction.
Conclusion: An Internal Reckoning Over Geopolitical Conspiracy
To address the current turbulence, the focus for all Nepalese must be on domestic politics rather than international geopolitics or conspiracy theories. It is evident that a handful of self-serving political elites have deprived Nepal of meaningful reform, development, and equitable representation. Their actions, based on personal and party interests superseding national interests, speak louder than their words. Nepal has lacked politicians and government officers who act on behalf of the national interest.
From the Rana regime, through the Monarchy and Constitutional Monarchy, to the current Federal Democratic Republic, Nepalese society has experienced expanding freedoms and rights. However, the system of nepotism and partisan patronage has continued, wreaking havoc, causing institutional decay, and politicising all institutions—the administration, bureaucracy, business, education, environment, health, justice system, land reform, municipalities, tourism, and village development committees. This has eroded meritocracy, discarded t
alent, fueled corruption, and crippled national development.
Currently, various media outlets and podcasts circulate theories of foreign influence, highlighting the CIA and RAW, and portraying the youth-led protest as an infiltration. These claims are purely hypothetical, with no evidence, based only on observations of other nations. We must understand that the youth and students of Nepal protested, demanding a “government for the people, by the people, and of the people.” We cannot label these protesters as traitors by framing their movement as a foreign design; the protest was caused by an inefficient and corrupt government.
We cannot label the current government, led by Shusila Karki, as entirely good or innocent. The immediate need is to focus on preserving and strengthening domestic politics to prevent geopolitical interference in the future. This can be achieved by bringing the perpetrators—murderers, looters, corrupt politicians, and officials—to justice. The K.P. Sharma Oli government and his cabinet, including Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak, must be investigated. Those who ordered the use of lethal arms against the country’s future must be held accountable for a disaster that shook the nation to its core.
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